UNASUR constituent treaty propels South American integration
By Odeen Ishmael

At a special summit in Brasilia on May 23, leaders of the 12 South American nations signed the constituent treaty setting out the legal framework of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The treaty also establishes juridical mechanisms to propel active political coordination within the continental bloc.

Signing the constituent treaty were Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner of Argentina; Evo Morales of Bolivia; Lula da Silva of Brazil; Michelle Bachelet of Chile; Alvaro Uribe from Colombia; Rafael Correa of Ecuador; Bharrat Jagdeo of Guyana; Nicanor Duarte Frutos of Paraguay; Alan Garcia from Peru; Ronald Venetiaan of Suriname; and Hugo Chavez of Venezuela. Vice-President Rodolfo Nin Novoa signed for Uruguay.

The special summit was originally scheduled for Colombia in March, but had to be postponed in the light of the Colombian cross-border raid on Ecuadorian territory on March 1, which killed a top guerrilla leader of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and 26 other persons.

Accession to the treaty is, according to the preamble of the document, “a decisive step towards the strengthening of multilateralism and the rule of law in international relations to achieve a diversified, balanced and fair world.”

The draft of the treaty was finalised at meetings of the UNASUR Council of Delegates in Cartagena (Colombia), Rio de Janeiro and Caracas earlier this year. It defines the organisation’s administrative bodies as the Council of Heads of State and Government (the highest organ) to convene annually; the Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs to meet twice a year; the Council of Delegates, (representatives of ambassadorial rank, to meet more frequently throughout the year); a rotating presidency; and a general secretariat manned by international civil servants drawn from the member nations, and headed by a Secretary-General elected for not more than two biennial terms. The official working languages of the body will be Dutch, English, Portuguese and Spanish.

The document also stipulates the setting up of a South American parliament based in Cochabamba, Bolivia, but a special protocol will have to be promulgated to enable its establishment.

The constituent treaty, which will come into force after it is ratified by nine states, emphasises the general objective of UNASUR as “building, in a participative and consensual manner, an integration and union process among its peoples in the cultural, social, economic and political dimensions, prioritising political dialogue, social policies, education, energy, infrastructure, financing and the environment, among others, with a view of eliminating socio-economic inequality, to achieving social inclusion and citizen participation, to strengthening democracy, and reducing the asymmetries in the background of strengthening the sovereignty of States.”
But since all the member states may not be ready to accede to all the commitments of the Union immediately, the treaty gives consideration to the principle of “gradualism”, proposed by Suriname and Guyana, among others, during the negotiations. Thus, the preamble specifies that since South American integration is “flexible and gradual in its implementation . . . . each State may assume the commitments according to their reality.”

The treaty also notes that after the fifth year of its entry into force, other Latin American and Caribbean states can apply to be admitted as Associated States of UNASUR.

The genesis of UNASUR goes back to December 2004 when the 12 South American Presidents met in Cuzco, Peru, to establish the South American Community of Nations. But even before Cuzco, the Presidents held summits (from 2000) and set up various mechanisms aimed at continental integration. One significant mechanism is the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA) which has already formulated an ambitious project list to boost infrastructural integration throughout the continent.

Then in April 2007, at the South American Energy Summit held in Margarita, Venezuela, the leaders decided to change the Community’s name to the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and to establish a general secretariat based in Ecuador. Rodrigo Borja, a former Ecuadorian president, was also named as the first Secretary General.

The organisation’s institutional framework expanded in 2007 with the setting up of the South American Energy Council and a major financial mechanism, the Banco del Sur (Bank of the South), even though the latter is still not yet fully on-stream.

But the momentum suffered a setback with the resignation on the eve of the special summit of Rodrigo Borja, the appointed secretary-general. Media reports claimed he had earlier complained that some leaders did not support his vision of putting other regional trade blocs, including Mercosur and the Andean Community, under the UNASUR umbrella. But his resignation might have resulted because the constituent treaty did not provide the post with as much autonomy and power as he wanted. In addition, he was unhappy with the “gradualistic” approach to the integration process as stipulated in the treaty.

UNASUR brings together the 12 nations with a joint population of about 390 million and an annual GDP nearing 2 trillion dollars. The continent’s intra-regional trade amounted to more than US$72 billion in 2006, while its economy grew by 5.7 percent in 2007, mainly due to foreign direct investment which reached a record US$106 billion. And according to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the bloc’s economy will grow a further 4.7 percent this year.

After the signing ceremony, Chile took over the pro-tempore presidency of UNASUR from Bolivia, since first-choice Colombia, citing differences with Ecuador and Venezuela, refused the position.

In assuming the position, Chilean President Michelle Bachelet was firm on the unifying role of the organisation. “We want to show that Latin America is capable of speaking with a firm and strong voice and of building effective integration,” she said during the discussions.

She stressed the importance of concrete integration measures, especially in infrastructure, and reaffirmed the commitment of Presidents Lula da Silva and Morales to complete by the end of 2009 the highway linking the Brazilian port of Santos on the Atlantic with Arica and Iquique on the Pacific coast of northern Chile after crossing Bolivia.

Bachelet added that UNASUR must quickly embark into social programmes for poverty reduction which could see the enhancement of financial and energy integration, the improvement of regional infrastructure, and cooperation in social policies, especially in the area of education.

Another matter discussed at the special summit was the Brazilian proposal for a South American Defence Council aimed at resolving conflicts and promoting military cooperation. While the proposal won wide support from the others, Colombia’s President Alvaro Uribe expressed his opposition and emphasised his trust on the existing OAS defence mechanism. He said the “terrorist threat” facing his country did not allow for military cooperation at present, and explained that his opposition to such a Defence Council was due to the resistance of some South American countries to define the leftist FARC as a terrorist organisation.

Nevertheless, a Colombian government statement shortly after declared that “Colombia does not oppose the creation of a working group to study the theme.” The meeting subsequently established a commission to examine the proposal and to issue a report within three months.

The current tensions among some South American nations pose the main challenge for UNASUR. Ideological differences exist: on the one hand, there is the strong left leaning pro-socialist group comprising Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia and, to a lesser extent, Brazil and Argentina. On the other hand, Colombia is closely allied to the United States. In between, there are Chile, Guyana, Peru, Uruguay, Paraguay and Suriname. There are also long-existing border issues, but political optimists see these being pushed on the back burner with the advance of political and economic integration, which can also act to ease future political tensions.

In addition, quarrels between Ecuador and Colombia and Venezuela and Colombia continue to bubble over despite the peace agreement reached during the Rio Group summit in the Dominican Republic earlier this year. In an effort to ease the diplomatic tensions, Lula met with Uribe, Chavez and Correa before the summit commenced to help resolve their differences.

On the economic front, UNASUR will be faced with the challenge of attempting to unite two large existing regional free trade schemes, Mercosur and the Andean Community, and at the same time integrate Chile, Guyana and Suriname in this process.

But right now, its immediate task is to find a new secretary-general to manage the day-to-day affairs of the Union. President Bachelet will be consulting on this matter with her South American colleagues over the next three months, and at the end of this period it is expected they will reach agreement on a likely candidate for this position.

Caracas, 28 May 2008

The US is engaging in gunboat diplomacy again

===================

The Fourth Fleet in part a Likely U.S. Response to the CSD

Although U.S. Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, stated that Washington welcomes the creation of the CSD, the recent executive order re-founding the Fourth Fleet is likely to have been, at least in part, a response to the regional arms race and the outlining of the Brasília-led, new alliance. It also serves as a political statement indicating that Washington is capable of projecting its authority throughout the hemisphere—particularly against left-leaning nations and leaders it sees as being recalcitrants to its cause including: Chavéz, Morales of Bolivia, Correa of Ecuador and, of course, Raúl Castro of Cuba.

But the development of the Fourth Fleet was also likely to be seen by some Washington strategists as a counter to the Brazilian initiative. As recently as late April, the Bush administration has said that it considers Brazil a great ally. Nonetheless, Washington’s activation of the Fourth Fleet must be interpreted in Brasília as a partial response to Brazil’s armament drive and its de facto influence over the region. It was most likely influenced by the advent of the CSD—representing one more step in the direction of regional autonomy, shucking Latin America’s traditional tendency to automatically defer to Washington.

Colombia’s Policy Change, a bow to Washington, a slap in the face Against Brazil
The recent 180 degree turn in Colombia’s policy highlights the depth of the Bush administration’s financial tug on Bogotá and its ability to influence some parts of the region, particularly when it deals with like-minded conservative governments, like those of Colombia and Peru. Unfortunately for Brazil, and its desire to secure its borders through cooperation with the Colombian military, Bogotá has concluded that it stands to gain more from military cooperation with the United States than it could collect from any other arrangements at this time. At this point, there are few who believe that if Washington wants a replacement for Manta, Uribe, unlike Correa, will prove to be a flexible servitor. It is more than likely that Bogotá will agree to facilitate a U.S. military base in Colombia in order to continue to receive U.S. assistance rather than join its neighbors in an act of regional solidarity that is not being particularly welcomed by the White House.

This analysis was prepared by COHA Research Associate Jared Ritvo
May 28th, 2008

UNASUR

Editorial: Stabroek News On May 30, 2008

President Bharrat Jagdeo last week signed a treaty in Brasilia to establish the so-called Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). Comprising Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, Suriname, Uruguay and Venezuela, in addition to Guyana, the fledgling union is aimed at promoting continental integration, with particular emphasis on strengthening political dialogue, economic cooperation, social cohesion, energy integration, environmental protection and infrastructure development.

Once ratified by its members, in accordance with their respective constitutional requirements, UNASUR will begin to take formal, operational shape. It will have three councils – at the level of presidents, foreign ministers and delegates – and a secretariat in Quito, Ecuador. Heads will meet annually (yes, more summits!) and foreign ministers every six months. Sectoral ministerial meetings will also be held as determined by the presidents. Former Ecuadorian President Rodrigo Borja has reportedly been nominated for the position of Secretary General and Chile’s President Michelle Bachelet will be the first to hold the rotating presidency of UNASUR.

UNASUR is the result of the vision of Brazilian President Lula da Silva, going back to the First Summit of South American leaders which he hosted in Brasilia in August 2000. It has emerged after progressing through successive summits aimed at deepening regional cooperation and integration, most notably through the initiative for the Integration of the Regional Infrastructure in South America (IISRA), established by the Second South American Summit in Guayaquil, Ecuador, in July 2002 and then through the promulgation of a South American Community of Nations, launched at the Third Summit, in Cuzco, Peru, in December 2004.

President Jagdeo has been a regular attendee at these South American summits and had signalled his early commitment to Lula’s project, built around the two main integration groupings in South America, the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR – Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay and Venezuela) and the Andean Community of Nations (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru).

The eventual outcome could well be the creation of a South American version of the European Union, but these are still early days for the long-standing and ambitious Latin American dream of continental unity.

Apart from the power of Lula’s charisma, the economist in Mr Jagdeo would no doubt have been swayed by the numbers put forward by Lula, who sees the future growth of South America in terms of the creation of a vast internal continental market, based on some 360 million people, with a GDP of almost US$1 trillion and exports of goods and services worth US$180 billion.

Mr Jagdeo would in all likelihood have also been convinced of the benefits of integration with South America as evidenced in the literally concrete progress being made in the construction of the bridge over the Takutu. The IISRA also envisions an all-weather Lethem-Georgetown road, which could open up a huge market to the south.

Of course, there are those who view UNASUR as a thinly disguised strategy by Brazil to assert its hegemony in the region. Brazil is after all the largest economy in Latin America and borders all the other countries of South America except for Chile and Ecuador.

Then there is the Chávez factor. With the rise of the radical left in Latin America, fuelled by the Venezuelan President’s petro-dollars, Lula has portrayed himself as the moderate face of the left, playing a more statesmanlike role in rallying other regional leaders behind him.

Rather than seek confrontation with Mr Chávez though, Lula has engaged with him. Lula has supported the Venezuelan’s idea of the Bank of the South, launched in December 2007, with working capital of US$7 billion, of which Venezuela is contributing US$3 billion and Brazil US$2 billion, to finance regional development and combat poverty in the region. And Mr Chávez has supported the Brazilian proposal for a South American Defence Council, as a regional security mechanism for preserving territorial integrity and preventing foreign interventions.

Colombian President Alvaro Uribe has however blocked approval of the council for the moment, citing the threat of terrorism and the continued possibility of carrying out extra-territorial actions. A task force comprising representatives of the defence ministries of UNASUR will work on preparing a new proposal in three months’ time.

Both the Bank of the South and the Defence Council will be important components of the UNASUR project.

There is undoubtedly great potential for benefit for Guyana in terms of our physical integration and through development cooperation and trade with the rest of the continent. UNASUR could well help to unlock that potential and, in truth, we could not have afforded to be left out.

It is not clear however what Guyana’s financial obligations will be or just how a depleted foreign ministry will properly service and secure benefits from yet another regional process with the plethora of meetings and activities that are bound to ensue. Indeed, one wishes that the government could have engendered a broader, national debate, involving civil society and the private sector, on the pros and cons of signing on to UNASUR before the fact, rather than having it presented as a fait accompli, with little public awareness of the new treaty obligations and their implications for our national security and development.

I want to commend Ambassador Odeen Ishmael on his continuing efforts to educate those of us who see a continental destiny as important for Guyana on the pertinent issues. He has in recent times brought our startling dimensions to the Latin American reality and the potency of a regional market of some 360 million consumers and producers.
Guyana cannot afford a luke-warm approach to UNASUR not even out of caution that its embrace of unity with a union involving Venezuela could be seen as tolerance of Caracas'unfounded territorial claim. Full commitment is the way to go, and it may be the only way given the looming threats of resource depletion due to factors such as climate change and change in global consumption pattern.
With his vast knowledge and experience Ambassador should be supported by Guyana to a strategic post with UNASUR council.

America will throw a spanner in the works, via Columbia. As for Guyana, they have to be careful, the US have their lap-dogs in Broklyn waiting to act as their stooges, take over Guyana and create problems with Venez so America get a pretext blunt Chavez. These "people" have no other objective but to rule Guyana, whats good strategically for Guyana is the last thing on their minds.

quote:

Originally posted by baseman:
America will throw a spanner in the works, via Columbia. As for Guyana, they have to be careful, the US have their lap-dogs in Broklyn waiting to act as their stooges, take over Guyana and create problems with Venez so America get a pretext blunt Chavez. These "people" have no other objective but to rule Guyana, whats good strategically for Guyana is the last thing on their minds.

In the latter fifties, it was Venez that threatened Guyana. It is expected, if Chavez continues, it would be Guyana that will be used to threaten Chavez.

During the cold war, the interest in Guynaa was due its geographic strategic position.

Guyana is not a country that has any type or form of order. A Union with the rest of South America will only run them over. South American Businessmen are not the Regent street type. An unprepared union is giving away the country.

Sure, there is a huge population for the marketing of products. But before that becomes a reality, governments in the area have to kick start their economies and Guyana leadership doesn't know how to do that.

We are country of fools and lead by a fool.

The diaspora are ass kissers-they fail to mold a destiny for the country.

Guyanese dream of green pastures but not in South America.

Be warned, South Americans treated their native ppl like dirt, they will not give Guynaese their respect and the PPP ain't strong enough to govern Guyana muchless tell a well organised group of men thet can not be bullies.

quote:

Originally posted by baseman:
America will throw a spanner in the works, via Columbia. As for Guyana, they have to be careful, the US have their lap-dogs in Broklyn waiting to act as their stooges, take over Guyana and create problems with Venez so America get a pretext blunt Chavez. These "people" have no other objective but to rule Guyana, whats good strategically for Guyana is the last thing on their minds.

I can't help but wonder if you are talking about my people. Guyana will once again florish under people who know how to rule and keep the society safe. Unlike jagdeo and his bunch of ninconpoops who turn this beautiful nation into a haven for drug lords.

quote:

Originally posted by Benford:

quote:

Originally posted by baseman:
America will throw a spanner in the works, via Columbia. As for Guyana, they have to be careful, the US have their lap-dogs in Broklyn waiting to act as their stooges, take over Guyana and create problems with Venez so America get a pretext blunt Chavez. These "people" have no other objective but to rule Guyana, whats good strategically for Guyana is the last thing on their minds.

I can't help but wonder if you are talking about my people. Guyana will once again florish under people who know how to rule and keep the society safe. Unlike jagdeo and his bunch of ninconpoops who turn this beautiful nation into a haven for drug lords.

Dont know who "your people" are, just enlighten us, if you dont mind.